The fiscal practices of six cities in Argentina and Mexico were analyzed.
With each passing election, claims of potential Latino 1 political influence increase and efforts to harness that influence grow.
In the presidential race, for example, both parties made substantive and symbolic outreach to Latinos; each built their potentially winning set of states in the Electoral College on expectations for Latino turnout in specific states.
|Chapter Study Outline||Still, the vote is a blunt instrument of expression.|
This chapter analyzes the phenomenon of Latino politics with three guiding questions. First, I consider the validity of a Latino politics in the singular that has greater predictive value than the politics of the specific Latino national-origin groups. Here, I define politics broadly to include community-based civic activities, both in the United States and abroad; electoral politics; agenda setting and influence; and representation, with the recognition that the existing scholarship disproportionately focuses on electoral politics.
Second, I examine electoral and nonelectoral politics to assess how Latino politics manifests itself and the institutional and demographic barriers that prevent Latinos from meeting the sometimes unrealistic levels of influence expected of them.
Finally, I assess possible trajectories for the Latino politics of the next two decades, arguing that this future Latino politics is highly uncertain and is itself under construction.
As a prelude to this analysis, I identify a cleavage that appears throughout this discussion. In all politics and certainly in Latino politics as well, mass and elite interests can diverge.
Around the questions of the reality of a Latino politics, Latino mass and elite interests diverge considerably, though arguably this division is narrowing. Over the past 20 years, Hispanic elites, particularly non-Cuban Hispanic elites, have organized primarily as Hispanics and not around their national-origin identities.
While recognizing differences based on national origins and regions, these Hispanic elites have seen instrumental advantages in organizing to speak primarily with a pan-ethnic voice.
Although there has been little scholarly analysis of Latino elite ethnic identification Farkas et al.
The exception to this pattern of elite organizing around a pan-ethnic frame is the Cuban American National Foundation CANFwhich has focused its energies entirely on Cuba and the needs of Cuban Americans and has not sought to build bridges to other Latino groups.
While these patterns diminish somewhat among immigrants with longer periods of U.
Certainly, most Latinos include the pan-ethnic identities among their package of identities, but when asked to focus on the one that first comes to mind, nation of origin or ancestry is most often mentioned by the majority. Recognizing this ambivalence about pan-ethnicity at the mass level establishes an important first step to the discussion of Latino politics.
While the majority population and Latino elites may speak of a Latino political community or a Latino vote, its existence may in fact be more of a wish than a reality, at least to the degree that it is recognized by those who provide that vote or make up that community.
Although there are a few political studies from as early as the s and s, most of the available scholarship postdates the extension of the Voting Rights Act VRA to Hispanic communities in This early period in Latino political history is nevertheless important for understanding their contemporary political experience.
Although largely unrecognized at the time, several formative political experiences laid the foundation for the extension of VRA coverage to Latinos.
In many ways, the extension of the VRA defines the beginning of the era of a national recognition of and expectations for Hispanic politics rather than the politics of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, or Cuban Americans. Federal legislation alone, however, does not guarantee the existence of a meaningful Latino politics.Start studying GOVT Chapter 9.
Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools. Search. in the United States, this has tended to occur roughly every 30 years (page ) divided government.
often through lobbying elected officials. Examining public opinion and policy data for the United States from to , we find considerable congruence between changes in preferences and in policies, especially for large, stable. Elections and the Political Order signaled a continuing interest in the relationship between electoral behavior and the broader workings of government.
Keywords: electoral behavior, Columbia, Michigan, The American Voter, funnel of causality, Elections and the Political Order, campaigns, voting.
Electoral Incentives and Institutional Choice" Jonathan Woony University of Pittsburgh September 28, consistent with rational behavior given the structure and incentives of the situation. We can elected the incumbent when p= Bwhile 17% of subjects always voted them out of o ce.
ELECTION contests in the United States have always mobilized hosts of study of electoral behavior. We can begin with the political atom, the Of interest too is the institutional framework, that is the fabric of law and precedent, that Americans. document the effect of electoral proximity on elected judges’ sentencing to argue that the difference between elected and appointed judges in sentencing harshness is mostly attributable to reelection incentives rather than selection on preferences.