Origins[ edit ] Many of the ideas behind the effort to promote the concept of the peaceful rise of the PRC came from the new security conceptwhich was formulated by think tanks in the PRC in the mids. It appears to be one of the first initiatives by the fourth generation of the leadership of the PRC, headed by Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. In Zheng's speech he pointed out that in the past, a rise of a new power often resulted in drastic changes to global political structures, and even war i.
Kagan presents his case for an involved America. Robert Kagan The liberal world order that was created in the aftermath of the Second World War is today being challenged by a variety of forces — by powerful authoritarian governments and anti-liberal fundamentalist movements, as well as by long-term shifts in the global economy.
Great power competition has returned. In East Asia, China is expanding its reach as a military power, seeking both economic and strategic hegemony at the risk of destabilizing that critical region.
In the Middle East, Iran is expanding its influence and Islamic jihadists have gained control of more territory. In the face of this turmoil, many Americans have come to doubt whether there is anything the United States can do or should do in response.
What is missing for most Americans, however, is a sense of strategy and purpose in American foreign policy. During the Cold War, fear of the Soviet Union and international communism did not always produce agreement on policy but did provide an answer, for most, as to why the United States needed to play an international role and what that role should be.
Today, our political leaders need to remind Americans that our fundamental interests are still best served by upholding the world order — economic, political, and strategic — that was established at the end of the Second World War and that was further strengthened and entrenched by the revolutions of What will this require?
Above all, it means working to shore up all three pillars — politics, economics, security — of what has made the American-led world order so remarkable. Start with the reality that a world order that supports freedom will only be supported by free nations. Supporting democracy is not just a matter of keeping faith with our own values.
It is a matter of national security. In their economic policies, Americans need to continue promoting and strengthening the international free trade and free market regime. This, of course, means setting their own economy back on a course of sustainable growth.
It means doing a better job of educating and training Americans to compete with others in an increasingly competitive international economy. It means providing a healthy environment for technological innovation. But it also means resisting protectionist temptations and using American influence, along with other free-trading nations, to push back against some of the tendencies of state capitalism in China and elsewhere.
Gaining congressional approval of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP, and then moving to agreement on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with Europe, are critical, and not only for their economic benefits.
They also are a critical step in knitting the democratic world more closely together. In Asia, especially, this is more much than a trade issue. Although the United States stands to benefit from the agreement, it is, above all, a strategic issue.
The United States and China are locked in a competition across the spectrum of power and influence. Militarily, the Chinese seek to deny American access to the region and hope thereby to divide the United States from its allies.
Economically, China would like to turn Asia into a region of Chinese hegemony, where every key trade relationship is with Beijing.
In such a world, the United States is a net loser — providing costly security to allies but not much else, while China reaps the economic rewards and grabs the hearts and minds, and pocketbooks, of regional players.
Finally, there is the matter of American hard power. What has been true since the time of Rome remains true today: Military power can be abused, wielded unwisely and ineffectively. It can be deployed to answer problems that it cannot answer or that have no answer.
But it is also essential. No nation or group of nations that renounced power could expect to maintain any kind of world order. If the United States begins to look like a less reliable defender of the present order, that order will begin to unravel. It remains true today as it has since the Second World War that only the United States has the capacity and the unique geographical advantages to provide global security.
There can be no stable balance of power in Europe or Asia without the United States. And while we can talk about soft power and smart power, they have been and always will be of limited value when confronting raw military power.
Despite all of the loose talk of American decline, it is in the military realm where U. But without a U. Current defense spending has created a readiness crisis within the armed forces. Only a handful of Army brigades are available for use in a crisis.
The army is about to be forced to cut 40, soldiers from its active force.
There are too few ships to provide a U.He wanted to get the United States and China back on good terms. He went over for a little visit with Mao Zedong, the leader of the Communist party, in Nixon thought he could help China become less Communistic by becoming their friends instead of staying their enemies.
In this view, the drama of China's rise will feature an increasingly powerful China and a declining United States locked in an epic battle over the rules and leadership of the international system. 5. The rise of China into a global power in foreseeable future is a fact every nation state has to understand and reckon with.
China is on the path of development of comprehensive national power before it asserts itself . The United States, however, will go to enormous lengths to prevent China from achieving regional hegemony.
Most of Beijing’s neighbors, including India, Japan, Singapore, South Korea, Russia, and Vietnam, will join with the United States to contain Chinese power.
Debating China: The U.S.-China Relationship in Ten Conversations. Edited by Nina Hachigian. Oxford University Press, , pp. $ It has become one of the most obvious clichés in international politics: the United States and China have the most important bilateral relationship in the world.
But its ideological orientation makes China a revolutionary power that is threatening both to the United States' status and global structure. Three different logics have been constructed to substantiate the "China threat" thesis.